By Samira Ali Gutoc
Chevening fellow, Oxford Center for Islamic Studies, 2002
Founding member, Young Moro Professionals Network Inc.

Terrorism expert Rohan Gunaratna warns of fresh attacks by the Abu Sayyaf and entry of new Jemaah Islamiya (JI) operatives in our porous borders. I wonder if this would justify security authorities' interest to forward the Anti-Terror Bill. While security alerts are reupped, I am dismayed by the often simplified media treatment of the so-called war on terror as the war of We versus They, without any reporting on the context of what brought about terrorism. 9-11 and London bombings called 7-7 were the wake-up call to study more. What was the hatred about or was it the exception to the rule? What could the West, with its large Muslim immigrant populations, do?

A nuanced understanding of Islam in Southeast Asia was the topic of a forum in Singapore among British diplomats and academics across the region. Seeking to reach out to Muslim communities through an “Engaging the Islamic World” theme, the United Kingdom's Foreign Commonwealth Office (FCO) acknowledges the need for dialogue and multi-stakeholder partnership, especially from the Muslim world.

Islam in Southeast Asia came about through commercial and cultural contact. Islam here is characterized as promoting openness, tolerance, respect and a shared social life.  Extremist influences were merely by-products of internal and external factors – ideology, relative deprivation, education which created a religious, urbanized and wealthy middle class, group-think and (perceived) persecution and injustice. Fundamentalism is a product of imported Bedouin mentality (from the Middle East), its adherents made more emotional rather than analytical, imposing their views on others, notes Singapore-based Kumar Ramakrishna of the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies.

The radical interpretation of Islam which promotes terrorism and not Islam itself is dangerous. One of the reasons for misinterpretation of religious text such as saying Jihad is the shortcut to being a Muslim, is the lack of religious scholarship. Sydney Jones of International Crisis Group (ICG)  identifies Saudi Arabia's Madinah University as one institution which produces fundamentalists. Some of those imprisoned hard-liners have translated their thoughts in uploadable literature, which advocate the overthrowing of secular governments. To my knowledge, Madinah university's alumni, who teach in Marawi City, have mainstreamed themselves in madaris (Islamic schools) and campuses. Many are apolitical and more of spiritual advocates.

To equate fundamentalism to terrorism is wrong. Violent Islam is marginal, said Johan Mueleman of the Oxford Center for Islamic Studies. While the Al-Qaeda structure is wide-spread in terms of ideological impact, the JI is decapitated because of the arrests of its leaders. In my study of the Abu Sayyaf, I find that terror groups have local interests to advance and are primarily homegrown, than consciously part of an international network. The Tabligi movement for instance is reported to be infiltrated by terrorist elements. But the Tabligh by its nature is very apolitical and focused on spiritual growth.

But just like their counterparts in the United Kingdom, Muslim communities in the region have been rather silent in condemning terrorism. While most do not support extremism, there is no active condemnation, probably because Muslims perceive double standards by the West in handling Afghanistan, Palestine and Iraq.

The good news is, there is a growing sense of civic participation from the Muslims themselves, who feel a need to explain Islam itself. Interfaith dialogue is promoted at an international and local level. Roadshows in the United Kingdom gather thousands in an audience who are willing to listen to young scholars talk about Islam.

Recommendations proposed to “Engage the Islamic World” in the short-term and long-term in the Singapore forum include:

- identifying future leaders and role models among Muslims
- support policies that support resolution of conflict
- systematic coordination of work ie Australia, UK
- sharing of information ie EU, academic network
- engagement at senior level, intergovernmental
- Shariah law implementation
- Feature successes in the Islamic world
- Young people’s involvement

I also feel the need to engage mainstream media such as MTV, CNN and BBC so that stereotypes and misconceptions that serve to divide peoples is debunked. Ain't it time to have veiled anchors and disc jockeys?

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By Nasser Sharief, The moro times

In 1992, I made my farewell circuit round the Ka’aba after working in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for 13 years. Last month, I received notice that I would be joining the supervisory team for the Filipino pilgrims this year. I immediately dusted off my jogging shoes and renew my membership at a gym. I know how rigorous the hajj can be. I was flabby and out of shape, a man past forty, and busy working to get his kids through college.

Immersed in the details of life in Manila, the Kingdom seemed to me a faraway world. So ill-prepared was I for the shock that awaited me.

Al-Haram: The old and the new

Entering the holy city of Mecca—barred from non-Muslims—is like getting through the cracks of an eggshell. I lost my bearing because the old markers I was counting on were gone. The good old zouqs (shops) surrounding the holy mosque Al-Haram, where expatriates and exiles used to hold congress in small cafes, had given way to high rise hotels and sleek shops. They have chipped off the mountain cliffs for more space. Famous hotels now ring the holy mosque—the Hilton, Sofitel, Sheraton, Intercontinental, Novotel, etc. Hobbit-type tunnels now worm their way in and out of Mecca going to and from the plains of Mina, Arafat, Muzdalifa and the Rhub Al-Khali desert beyond.

“This can’t be Mecca!” voiced an elderly hajj veteran who sat besides me in the bus, which has Star Trek-like interior consoles.

From your stool at a McDonalds you can watch people emerging from the hastening ritual at the Safa and Marwa hill-mounds. Yes, you can have Colonel Sanders’ Kentucky fried chicken at a to-go counter just across the square. My feet were a bit sore from the hastening that commemorate Hagar’s plight looking for water for her baby Ishmael some thousands years back, so I went inside a Starbucks cafe and ordered mocha latte.

When the balls of my feet felt healed, I window-shopped. I went inside a GUESS shop and had to retreat just as quick when I saw the price of a low-ride jeans for Saudi riyal 1,697 (P18,000). There were not many people milling around these chic shops, so I concluded that the moneyed sheiks, the princes and the princesses had simply packed off to Palma de Mallorca, Torremolinos or Monaco for the holidays.

Cellphones: Don’t leave home without it

The most important possession that a pilgrim must have is the cellphone. Thanks to it, missing persons were drastically reduced. In a place where the tents all look alike, where every pilgrim is garbed in white, cellphones make the difference that Saudi Boy Scouts had to do less work in herding people who lose their way going back to their camps. You can now take pictures to your heart’s contents. I see upraised hands holding aloft their 3G phones for the people back home to view the Al-Haram. The only hazard is taking pictures at the Jamarat. Many cellphones have been cracked from the hails of pebbles that the pilgrims throw to stone the devil at the Jamarat.

But I feel that pilgrims should be discreet with their mobiles especially during the circuit round the Ka’aba—the Cube. I was on my fifth circuit when suddenly a cellphone from another hajj rang with the ring-back tone of the Police’s Every Breath You Take. This could befuddle your concentration.

Easiest hajj

For years, the worst accidents happened in the Jamarat area. The stampedes that claimed lives seemed to be a thing of the past. If the success of managing the throwing of stones at the Jamarat is to be taken as a gauge, then this is the easiest and most convenient hajj so far. The Hajj authorities of the Kingdom have to be commended: they are close to reducing the hajj routine to a science. The flow of the people was orderly, with one-way routes that redistribute the pilgrims back to their tents. For those who wish to go to Al Haram for the tawaf (circuit), there is a 1.4 kilometer tunnel that leads through to the holy place. To demonstrate their confidence, the authorities have allowed people on wheelchairs to cast their stones at the Jamarat.

Lodging

The Philippine contingent was dispersed in many buildings near and far from the holy mosque. The Philippines is always late in putting up the needed deposit in getting lodging contracts with the service providers. Apartments which are a walking distance from the holy mosque are at a premium. Because the decision to go on hajj among Filipinos is always done in the last hour, the lack of funds for billeting reservations relegated many of our hajjis to the outskirts of town. The service provider had promised to ferry the hajjis to and fro Al-Haram on shuttle bus which held good only for a few days.

The Saudi government has constructed new apartments for the pilgrims, a far cry from the cramped and old lodgings we used over a decade ago. In fact, the elevators were so new in one apartment that the contractor obviously had forgotten to apply grease along the runners. We had a hard time opening and closing the elevator doors. This was corrected only when a hajj was trapped and a little drama ensued.

Nostalgia

I tried to mingle with the elderly and get their stories and views on the new Makkah. An old man lamented the speed in which technology has taken over. He said that in the past when pilgrims traveled by boat, they use to bury the pictures of their loved ones in the plains of Mina and Arafat. They would call from atop the hills, the names of kin echoing along the valleys, inviting them to go on hajj, on the belief that this would hasten their kins’ going on hajj. “Nowadays,” he went on, “you simply dial your cellphone and in seconds you are talking to your wife. The conversation, mind you, are not the tear-jerkers ones. It could be as mundane as reminding her to look over the pockets of your trousers before laundering it, because you have some receipts or money left in it.”

After the third-day of stoning the Jamarat, the 2.5 million pilgrims started dispersing out of Mecca after performing their farewell circumambulation (tawaf) of the Ka’ba. Some went to Medina some 600 km away to visit the Prophet’s Mosque. Some went straight to the airport for their flight back home. Others go to the seacoast of Jeddah to buy things to bring back.

I went to the Holy Place to snap up some pictures. Flocks of birds, chased away by millions of pilgrims, were now returning to the square. I was lazily ambling along the edges of the square when I saw a familiar figure setting on the edge of a marble hedge along the stairways of Ben Dawood. It was Toni Leviste, the famous equestrienne, her feet dangling and swaying in a playful mood. Sweat beaded her forehead after performing the Farewell Tawaf.

I had met her and her father, Ex-Governor Leviste, earlier at the Jeddah International airport when I discovered that we were together on the same incoming flight. My editor Amina Rasul had asked me to get an interview with her some few months back, but I was never successful. When she recognized me, Toni smiled. She said she was waiting for her Dad who was doing his Tawaf. I said, “What about the promised interview?” She said, “Okay, why don’t we do it in Jeddah. We have to catch our breath first.” I said, OK.

In a while we saw her father emerging from the Grand Mosque, his head freshly shaved. He gave me a wide grin. Toni sort of complained what took him so long. He only smiled. They waved at me and mingled with the throng until they were just a smear in the landscape.

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by: Maugan Buat Mosaid, Ph.D.

Has anyone pondered on why there was no official representation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, as an organic entity in Philippine geo-political structure and the most affected, in the negotiations for peace between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Bangsamoro fronts? Was it assumed to have been taken cared of by the members of the GRP panel? Or, is this necessary at all?

As a juridical entity, having distinct personality and life of its own, the ARMM must assume position in the negotiations for peace, and therefore, it deserves a seat in the GRP Peace Panel. The ARMM is being run by more than 10,000 strong personnel and their well-being must be considered in the ‘talks’ through their legitimate representative. Such well-being cannot just be resigned to fate or be decided upon with impunity by any of the parties.

The invitation for ARMM Regional Gov. Datu Zaldy Puti U. Ampatuan to participate in the review of the 1996 GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia in November 2007 underscored the importance of ARMM’s visible role in the peace process. This role for ARMM should have been engaged at the start of negotiations. The ARMM (and SPDA) was made part of the concessions for the MNLF yet it was not given the chance to speak up for itself. The Lumads, too, have been clamoring for substantial participation in the peace process.

Whatever the ARMM does produces ripples that affect the peace process. On the part of the Bangsamoro, they will always look at the ARMM as an important instrumentality of the government. When it shows only dismal performance, it becomes a good example of blame for the half-cooked autonomy that it has been. Likewise, the ARMM’s participation (or non-participation) in the peace process will be seen as a measure of how the GRP affords its regard (or disregard) of this autonomous government. Simply stated, the ARMM, for whatever it is (or has been) is the peace process being rendered in practicum in the Bangsamoro homeland, and therefore, its success or failure has so much bearing on the peace process.

It was awful to note how both parties seem to downplay the importance of ARMM’s participation in the peace process. The present leadership of the ARMM cannot be faulted for getting such trivial treatment. In his first and second SORA (state of the region address) Regional Governor Datu Zaldy U. Ampatuan expressed goodwill to support the peace process between the GRP and the Moro fronts – something too important to remain as lip-service.

What could be the reason for such superficial treatment?

On the side of the MILF, it may be due to the fact that it did not recognize the ARMM’s existence from the very beginning. It has never demanded for an autonomy like the ARMM nor was it a party to its creation. The irony is that it is difficult to distinguish the MILF’s constituents from ARMM’s constituents that it serves or has been serving for the past 17 years.

On the side of the GRP, it may be due to the fact that the President of the Philippines exercises authority and supervision over the ARMM, and therefore, there is reason to take for granted ARMM’s participation in the negotiation, or if ever necessary, this can be articulated by the members of the GRP panel. That, of course, is hypothetical. Be that as it may, it is not always right to assume that a mother can always speak up for her daughter even if she knows her too well.

The prospect of signing a GRP-MILF agreement on ancestral domain looms and the ARMM, over and above other Muslim-dominated villages that may be included in the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE), is part and parcel of the coming agreement. As to how the Muslim-dominated villages (outside ARMM) and the present ARMM would be merged, given the present organic act (RA 9054) and the 1996 Peace Accord, is not yet clear. What is clear is that the ARMM is in the pipeline for a possible concession to another party, the MILF. And (again) it has to concede in silence.

How would this be reconciled with the 1996 Final Peace Agreement? While it is always possible to pass another organic act to amend RA 9054 it is not prudent to pass a law amending the 1996 Final Peace Agreement at a time when the MNLF (the first concessionaire of the ARMM) is clamoring for more substantial implementation of the 1996 Accord. The other point is that the ‘Agreement’ was a product of bilateral efforts between two parties while a law can be a solitary act of Congress, and therefore, a law amending a bilateral agreement is ridiculous and absurd.

But why was the first concessionaire of the ARMM seems to be booted out of its supposed political turf when, as agreed, the passing of an organic act expanding the area of coverage of the ARMM would take care of Phase 2 of the Agreement?
 
The reality is that RA 9054 has to operate, inclusive of whatever shortcomings it has, as the MNLF would admit later. The qualification for Regional Governorship and Vice Governorship of the ARMM is very basic: among others, one does not have to be an organic member of the MNLF to be eligible to run for these positions. Was this overlooked if the spirit and intent of expanding the ARMM was to give way for the MNLF, as a concessionaire, to exercise and express some semblance of political right over the ARMM? Maybe not, but because the MNLF’s participation in the crafting of RA 9054 was only limited to a certain extent, then Congress, where the tyranny of numbers sometimes prevail, did not have much time to peep deeper into that ‘hole’. If the ARMM, that time under the stewardship of MNLF Chairman and Gov. Misuari, did more than enough to lobby for critical concerns that will have to be incorporated into the law, RA 9054 may be a little bit different or slightly better from the point of view of the MNLF.

The MNLF could not be caught up in the process with its pants down because there was enough time to lobby and Nur Misuari’s joining the government was a priceless break for Pres. Ramos at that time. In other words, there was good opportunity for the MNLF to do what would have been done to shape up RA 9054 the way it should be. In fact, the scheduled elections for the ARMM at the end of the term of Regional Governor Misuari in 2001 have been postponed twice to make sure that the amendatory law comes out in the incumbency of Chairman Misuari. Until the holding of the plebiscite for RA 9054 in August of 2001, the MNLF was silent on the law or nothing much was said against it.

Then the election for the ARMM came in November 2001 and the erstwhile Foreign Relations Minister of the MNLF, Dr. Farouk Hussin, was elected Regional Governor. When the Hussin administration was lurking in power under RA 9054, it was only all praises for the law. Matter of fact, his preface in the reproduced copy of RA 9054 was an all-out expression of gratitude and high expectations for what the law can do for the constituents of ARMM. But upon exit of the Hussin administration (in the later part of 2005), the MNLF began to sound off disgusts and came out with the opinion that RA 9054 did, in fact, violated the 1996 peace accord. RA 9054, the MNLF retorted, was not the answer to Phase 2 of the Agreement.
What about the on-going peace process with the MILF? The MILF hopes to be different in some respects. With so much to learn from the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement, it is in a better position to sign a ‘superior’ agreement. Mr. Mohagher Iqbal, Chair of the MILF Peace Panel, stressed the following points: “If the MILF enters into a peace agreement with the Philippine government, there will be three major points where we differ [from the MNLF]:”
1.    “Difference in approach: Under the MNLF peace agreement, Misuari gave so much emphasis to foreign participation, i.e. the involvement of the OIC. In our case, though we welcome the OIC and other Muslim states, we can pursue peace talks on our own because we emphasize internal factors.”
2.    “Different political approach, especially on the question of territory. MNLF asked for 14 provinces and 10 cities. [The] MILF does not give so much emphasis on autonomy. It seeks to establish an independent Islamic Government in areas where Muslims are predominant.”
3.    “On plans to develop and uplift the living conditions of the Muslims: [In the case of the MNLF] projects for the development of Muslims, Highlanders and Christians were conceptualized only after the signing of the [final peace] agreement. Under the MILF, we are already involving them with some livelihood and development projects in order to uplift their living conditions even before we have entered into an agreement with the GRP. This is because we give more importance to self-reliance, to internal factors rather than external ones, especially aid.”
The MILF has a more conservative approach in the peace negotiation than the MNLF. While the GRP’s integrative approach was accepted by the MNLF, the same strategy may not work with the MILF. The MILF position that it negotiates within the framework of self-determination and historical realities seems non-negotiable. Though it welcomes the participation of the OIC and some Muslim States, the MILF is cautious at being persuaded to soften its stand on fundamental issues.

On the other hand, the GRP Peace Panel has been consistent in its stand: First, it cannot negotiate outside the framework of the Philippine Constitution, for if it does, it ceases to be a legitimate representative of the Philippine government. Second, any realignment of geo-political territorial boundaries shall have to be sanctioned by Congress and pass a plebiscite. We know that these are distasteful to the MILF.

We have seen how occasional impasse in the negotiation occurs and this happens when two parties have seemingly irreconcilable frameworks for the negotiation. Despite all these, it was interesting to note that the peace process has been progressing through. Though painstakingly slow, it is enough that both parties talk and do not cease at finding creative ways and adept means to resolve the issues. This time, the agility of both parties shall be put to test again as both camps turn their backs against each other at the resumption of talks in Malaysia in December 2007 due to the GRP Panel’s insertion of the phrase ‘in accordance with constitutional processes’ in the draft Memorandum of Agreement. The GRP Panel believes that the proposed Bangsamoro juridical entity [or homeland] be subjected to a plebiscite which the MILF panel vehemently opposed. Thus, the talks bumped into another impasse! For how long will the talks stay in this situation? Nobody can tell.

Maybe there are a few people who must have sighed in relief and considered this a ‘break’ rather than an impasse. If ever, this can only come from people organic to the ARMM who would rather see and feel some sense of comfort at such a situation than see ARMM’s fate being decided upon with such impunity.

But for all we know, this lull maybe a blessing-in-disguise as this could be an opportunity to contemplate on whether or not to allow ARMM’s more concrete participation in the peace process. The ARMM already missed a good point in the crafting of RA 9054. It must not miss another good point this time around.

As it is, the ARMM is completely expressionless under situations of an ‘agreement’ and ‘disagreement’. It hangs in suspended animation anticipating the next scenarios that unfold before its very eyes and wish that the ‘new occupants of the house’ shall be kind to its lowly ‘residents’.

Before two contending powerful forces where there is no way out, one can only resign its outcome to fate. A law in Physics states: “When an irresistible force meets an immovable object, something has to give up”. When such a situation comes (and we pray it won’t), we hope it is not the ARMM that will have to give up all the modest treatment and respect that it deserves from both parties.
 

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